Archive for the ‘Chapt. 7’ Category

Notetaking from a text: An Overview

Guidelines to follow when attempting to take notes from a textbook:

1. Skim the chapter or material to be summarized.

2. Divide it up into no more than three to five subheadings of subtopics, if possible. Do not fall into the trap of having thirteen or eighteen subheadings– you will not make any sense of the text, and there is no way you can remember that many ideas in addition to all the details.

3. Organize each subheading around a question or prompt. The question type that is most helpful is called an essential question. Then organize the rest of the material in the chapter under each subheading in order to help answer the question or prompt.

4. Benefits? This notetaking method will enable you to reorganize a chapter which does not seem to be organized logically or thematically. It also causes you to interact with the text in such a way that your comprehension will improve more than if you merely passively read. You will be making meaning of the text yourself, which will also aid retention of the information. This should save you time in studying and learning.

Below is the outline I have drawn up for chapter 7.

I. Why did mercantilism cause colonial dissatisfaction with British policies?

A. Explanation of mercantilism

B. Benefits/ disadvantages to the mother country

C. Benefits/disadvantages to colonies

D. How did it help unify the colonies

E. What finally caused the British to attempt to strictly enforce mercantilist policies?

II. What were the various schemes used by the British to raise revenue?

A, B, C, D, etc—various taxes and their intents, whether they were repealed….

F. What was the purpose of the Quartering Act, and how did colonists respond? Why?

G. Declaratory Act

III. How did colonists react to each specific tax? How did the rebellion grow?

A. Massacre

B. Tea Party

C. Committees of Correspondence

D. Stamp Act Congress

E. Boycotts

F. Riots

G. Shots fired, Dec of Causes of Taking Up Arms

H. Declaring independence

IV. Compare the various advantages and disadvantages of each potential side as the Revolution became more likely.

Possible multiple choice questions for the 5-7 test…

Gee, I wonder what the answers are….

1. In contrast to the 17th century, by 1775 colonial Americans
A. had become more stratified into social classes and had less social mobility.
B. had all but eliminated poverty.
C. found that it was easier for ordinary people to acquire land.
D. had nearly lost their fear of slave rebellion.
E. had few people who owned small farms.

2. The riches created by the growing slave population in the American South in the 18th century
A. were distributed evenly among the Southern whites.
B. helped to narrow the gap between rich and poor, creating an egalitarian society for whites.
C. created a serious problem with inflation, as too much wealth was invested in slave property.
D. benefited only a few elite families at the expense of the rest of Southern society.
E. enabled poor whites to escape tenant farming.

3. The American colonial exponents of republicanism argued that a just society depends upon
A. a powerful central government.
B. a weak army.
C. a strong aristocratic tradition.
D. support for hierarchical institutions.
E. the willingness of all citizens to work for the common good.

4. Under mercantilist doctrine, the British government reserved the right to do all of the following regarding the American colonies EXCEPT
A. prevent the colonies from forming militias.
B. restrain the colonies from printing paper money.
C. restrict the passage of generous bankruptcy laws.
D. determine what the colonies could manufacture.
E. enumerate products that must be shipped to Britain.

A Patriotic Response

Below is the text of Patrick Henry’s Famous speech which closes with the words “Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death!” You can click on this link to hear actor Richard Shumann actually deliver the speech, if you wish, or you may simply read it here. The link also includes interesting background on Patrick Henry.

Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death
Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free– if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending–if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained–we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable–and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace– but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania

John Dickinson was a reasoned voice against what he considered to be the usurpation of the colonists’ rights as Englishmen. As part of his efforts to awaken his fellow colonists to the dangerous precedent of allowing abrogation of what he understood to be the “rights of Englishmen.”


This is the first of thirteen letters that were published in the Boston Chronicle beginning December 21, 1787, and eventually collected into pamphlet form and published. Here is a link to the actual pamphlet so you can see what it looked like.

My Dear Countrymen,

I am a farmer, settled after a variety of fortunes near the banks of the River Delaware in the province of Pennsylvania. I received a liberal education and have been engaged in the busy scenes of life; but am now convinced that a man may be as happy without bustle as with it. My farm is small; my servants are few and good; I have a little money at interest; I wish for no more; my employment in my own affairs is easy; and with a contented, grateful mind . . . I am completing the number of days allotted to me by divine goodness.

Being generally master of my time, I spend a good deal of it in a library, which I think the most valuable part of my small estate; and being acquainted with two or three gentlemen of abilities and learning who honor me with their friendship, I have acquired, I believe, a greater share of knowledge in history and the laws and constitution of my country than is generally attained by men of my class, many of them not being so fortunate as I have been in the opportunities of getting information.

From infancy I was taught to love humanity and liberty. Inquiry and experience have since confirmed my reverence for the lessons then given me by convincing me more fully of their truth and excellence. Benevolence toward mankind excites wishes for their welfare, and such wishes endear the means of fulfilling them. These can be found in liberty only, and therefore her sacred cause ought to be espoused by every man, on every occasion, to the utmost of his power. As a charitable but poor person does not withhold his mite because he cannot relieve all the distresses of the miserable, so should not any honest man suppress his sentiments concerning freedom, however small their influence is likely to be. Perhaps he may “touch some wheel” that will have an effect greater than he could reasonably expect.

These being my sentiments, I am encouraged to offer to you, my countrymen, my thoughts on some late transactions that appear to me to be of the utmost importance to you. Conscious of my defects, I have waited some time in expectation of seeing the subject treated by persons much better qualified for the task; but being therein disappointed, and apprehensive that longer delays will be injurious, I venture at length to request the attention of the public, pray that these lines may be read with the same zeal for the happiness of British America with which they were written.

With a good deal of surprise I have observed that little notice has been taken of an act of Parliament, as injurious in its principle to the liberties of these colonies as the Stamp Act was: I mean the act for suspending the legislation of New York.

The assembly of that government complied with a former act of Parliament, requiring certain provisions to be made for the troops in America, in every particular, I think, except the articles of salt, pepper, and vinegar. In my opinion they acted imprudently, considering all circumstances, in not complying so far as would have given satisfaction as several colonies did. But my dislike of their conduct in that instance has not blinded me so much that I cannot plainly perceive that they have been punished in a manner pernicious to American freedom and justly alarming to all the colonies.

If the British Parliament has a legal authority to issue an order that we shall furnish a single article for the troops here and compel obedience to that order, they have the same right to issue an order for us supply those troops with arms, clothes, and every necessary, and to compel obedience to that order also; in short, to lay any burdens they please upon us. What is this but taxing us at a certain sum and leaving us only the manner of raising it? How is this mode more tolerable than the Stamp Act? Would that act have appeared more pleasing to Americans if, being ordered thereby to raise the sum total of the taxes, the mighty privilege had been left to them of saying how much should be paid for an instrument of writing on paper, and how much for another on parchment?

An act of Parliament commanding us to do a certain thing, if it has any validity, is a tax upon us for the expense that accrues in complying with it, and for this reason, I believe, every colony on the continent that chose to give a mark of their respect for Great Britain, in complying with the act relating to the troops, cautiously avoided the mention of that act, lest their conduct should be attributed to its supposed obligation.

The matter being thus stated, the assembly of New York either had or had no right to refuse submission to that act. If they had, and I imagine no American will say they had not, then the Parliament had no right to compel them to execute it. If they had not that right, they had no right to punish them for not executing it; and therefore had no right to suspend their legislation, which is a punishment. In fact, if the people of New York cannot be legally taxed but by their own representatives, they cannot be legally deprived of the privilege of legislation, only for insisting on that exclusive privilege of taxation. If they may be legally deprived in such a case of the privilege of legislation, why may they not, with equal reason, be deprived of every other privilege? Or why may not every colony be treated in the same manner, when any of them shall dare to deny their assent to any impositions that shall be directed? Or what signifies the repeal of the Stamp Act, if these colonies are to lose their other privileges by not tamely surrendering that of taxation?

There is one consideration arising from the suspension which is not generally attended to but shows its importance very clearly. It was not necessary that this suspension should be caused by an act of Parliament. The Crown might have restrained the governor of New York even from call ing the assembly together, by its prerogative in the royal governments. This step, I sup pose, would have been taken if the conduct of the assembly of New York had been regarded as an act of disobedience to the Crown alone. But it is regarded as an act of “disobedience to the authority of the British legislature.” This gives the suspension a consequence vastly more affecting. It is a parliamentary assertion of the supreme authority of the British legislature over these colonies in the point of taxation; and it is intended to compel New York into a submission to that authority. It seems therefore to me as much a violation of the liberty of the people of that province, and consequently of all these colonies, as if the Parliament had sent a number of regiments to be quartered upon them, till they should comply.

For it is evident that the suspension meant as a compulsion; and the method of compelling is totally indifferent. It is indeed probable that the sight of red coats and the hearing of drums would have been most alarming, because people are generally more influenced by their eyes and ears than by their reason. But whoever seriously considers the matter must perceive that a dreadful stroke is aimed at the liberty of these colonies. I say of these colonies; for the cause of one is the cause of all. If the Parliament may lawfully deprive New York of any of her rights, it may deprive any or all the other colonies of their rights; and nothing can possibly so much encourage such at tempts as a mutual inattention to the interest of each other. To divide and thus to destroy is the first political maxim in attacking those who are powerful by their union. He certainly is not a wise man who folds his arms and reposes himself at home, seeing with unconcern the flames that have invaded his neighbor’s house without using any endeavors to extinguish them. When Mr. Hampden’s ship-money cause for 3s. 4d. was tried, all the people of England, with anxious expectations, interested themselves in the important decision; and when the slightest point touching the freedom of one colony is agitated, I earnestly wish that all the rest may with equal ardor support their sister. Very much may be said on this sub ject, but I hope more at present is unnecessary.

With concern I have observed that two assemblies of this province have sat and adjourned without taking any notice of this act. It may perhaps be asked: What would have been proper for them to do? I am by no means fond of inflammatory measures. I detest them. I should be sorry that anything should be done which might justly displease our sovereign or our mother country. But a firm, modest exertion of a free spirit should never be wanting on public occasions. It appears to me that it would have been sufficient for the assembly to have ordered our agents to represent to the King’s ministers their sense of the suspending act and to pray for its repeal. Thus we should have borne our testimony against it; and might therefore reasonably expect that on a like occasion we might receive the same assistance from the other colonies.

Small things grow great by concord.

A FARMER

New deadline for chapter 7

You can have until Tuesday, August 30, 2010 to do your terms and questions for chapter 7. Spread the word!

Paul Revere’s Ride

Here’s the classic poem that generations of schoolchildren were expected to memorize. It wasn’t written until 1861– forty years after Revere died. There are several historical omissions made in the poem, but it’s still a classic.

Paul Revere’s Ride

Henry Wadsworth Longfellow


Listen my children and you shall hear
Of the midnight ride of Paul Revere,
On the eighteenth of April, in Seventy-five;
Hardly a man is now alive
Who remembers that famous day and year.

He said to his friend, “If the British march
By land or sea from the town to-night,
Hang a lantern aloft in the belfry arch
Of the North Church tower as a signal light,–
One if by land, and two if by sea;
And I on the opposite shore will be,
Ready to ride and spread the alarm
Through every Middlesex village and farm,
For the country folk to be up and to arm.”

Then he said “Good-night!” and with muffled oar
Silently rowed to the Charlestown shore,
Just as the moon rose over the bay,
Where swinging wide at her moorings lay
The Somerset, British man-of-war;
A phantom ship, with each mast and spar
Across the moon like a prison bar,
And a huge black hulk, that was magnified
By its own reflection in the tide.

Meanwhile, his friend through alley and street
Wanders and watches, with eager ears,
Till in the silence around him he hears
The muster of men at the barrack door,
The sound of arms, and the tramp of feet,
And the measured tread of the grenadiers,
Marching down to their boats on the shore.

Then he climbed the tower of the Old North Church,
By the wooden stairs, with stealthy tread,
To the belfry chamber overhead,
And startled the pigeons from their perch
On the sombre rafters, that round him made
Masses and moving shapes of shade,–
By the trembling ladder, steep and tall,
To the highest window in the wall,
Where he paused to listen and look down
A moment on the roofs of the town
And the moonlight flowing over all.

Beneath, in the churchyard, lay the dead,
In their night encampment on the hill,
Wrapped in silence so deep and still
That he could hear, like a sentinel’s tread,
The watchful night-wind, as it went
Creeping along from tent to tent,
And seeming to whisper, “All is well!”
A moment only he feels the spell
Of the place and the hour, and the secret dread
Of the lonely belfry and the dead;
For suddenly all his thoughts are bent
On a shadowy something far away,
Where the river widens to meet the bay,–
A line of black that bends and floats
On the rising tide like a bridge of boats.

Meanwhile, impatient to mount and ride,
Booted and spurred, with a heavy stride
On the opposite shore walked Paul Revere.
Now he patted his horse’s side,
Now he gazed at the landscape far and near,
Then, impetuous, stamped the earth,
And turned and tightened his saddle girth;
But mostly he watched with eager search
The belfry tower of the Old North Church,
As it rose above the graves on the hill,
Lonely and spectral and sombre and still.
And lo! as he looks, on the belfry’s height
A glimmer, and then a gleam of light!
He springs to the saddle, the bridle he turns,
But lingers and gazes, till full on his sight
A second lamp in the belfry burns.

A hurry of hoofs in a village street,
A shape in the moonlight, a bulk in the dark,
And beneath, from the pebbles, in passing, a spark
Struck out by a steed flying fearless and fleet;
That was all! And yet, through the gloom and the light,
The fate of a nation was riding that night;
And the spark struck out by that steed, in his flight,
Kindled the land into flame with its heat.
He has left the village and mounted the steep,
And beneath him, tranquil and broad and deep,
Is the Mystic, meeting the ocean tides;
And under the alders that skirt its edge,
Now soft on the sand, now loud on the ledge,
Is heard the tramp of his steed as he rides.

It was twelve by the village clock
When he crossed the bridge into Medford town.
He heard the crowing of the cock,
And the barking of the farmer’s dog,
And felt the damp of the river fog,
That rises after the sun goes down.

It was one by the village clock,
When he galloped into Lexington.
He saw the gilded weathercock
Swim in the moonlight as he passed,
And the meeting-house windows, black and bare,
Gaze at him with a spectral glare,
As if they already stood aghast
At the bloody work they would look upon.

It was two by the village clock,
When he came to the bridge in Concord town.
He heard the bleating of the flock,
And the twitter of birds among the trees,
And felt the breath of the morning breeze
Blowing over the meadow brown.
And one was safe and asleep in his bed
Who at the bridge would be first to fall,
Who that day would be lying dead,
Pierced by a British musket ball.

You know the rest. In the books you have read
How the British Regulars fired and fled,—
How the farmers gave them ball for ball,
>From behind each fence and farmyard wall,
Chasing the redcoats down the lane,
Then crossing the fields to emerge again
Under the trees at the turn of the road,
And only pausing to fire and load.

So through the night rode Paul Revere;
And so through the night went his cry of alarm
To every Middlesex village and farm,—
A cry of defiance, and not of fear,
A voice in the darkness, a knock at the door,
And a word that shall echo for evermore!
For, borne on the night-wind of the Past,
Through all our history, to the last,
In the hour of darkness and peril and need,
The people will waken and listen to hear
The hurrying hoof-beats of that steed,
And the midnight message of Paul Revere.

Ourtline note format for Chapter 7

Outline Note format Ch 7

Organize your notes from your reading in the text and the readings book around the following format. These are due Tuesday.

I. Why did mercantilism cause colonial dissatisfaction with British policies?
—A. Explanation of mercantilism
—B. Benefits/ disadvantages to the mother country
—C. Benefits/disadvantages to colonies
—D. How did it help unify the colonies
—E. What finally caused the British to attempt to strictly enforce mercantilist policies?
II. What were the various schemes used by the British to raise revenue?
—A, B, C, D, etc—various taxes and their intents, whether they were repealed….
—F. What was the purpose of the Quartering Act, and how did colonists respond? Why?
—G. Declaratory Act
III. How did colonists react to each specific tax? How did the rebellion grow?
—A. Massacre
—B. Tea Party
—C. Committees of Correspondence
—D. Stamp Act Congress
—E. Boycotts
—F. Riots
—G. Shots fired, Dec of Causes of Taking Up Arms
—H. Declaring independence
IV. Compare the various advantages and disadvantages of each potential side as the Revolution became more likely.

Notes – American Revolution

1760: End of salutary neglect when George III demands enforcement of Navigation Acts. In particular, the authorization for customs officials to use writs of assistance to force local officials to cooperate in identifying contraband and arresting violators of the Navigation Acts. Writs of assistance also gave royal officials the rights to search homes or warehouses without a warrant.

1763: The end of the French and Indian War, and England has crushing debt. Colonies need to pay at least for their own defense, in the eyes of George III. He decided to make the Navigation Acts into taxation laws, which changes them in the eyes of the colonists—they did not dispute the right of the crown to regulate trade, only to tax without representation. Not all in George III’s cabinet agreed with the new taxes; in fact, William Pitt was forced out of the cabinet by George III due to his opposition to these taxes.

Also this year, Pontiac’s Rebellion breaks out along the western border. Detroit and other western outposts newly surrendered to the British are attacked by Ottawa War Chief Pontiac and other tribes, including the Seneca, Delaware, and other Iroquois tribes. British commander Gen. Jeffrey Amherst orders no prisoners to be taken. Violent and brutal warfare ensues. When news of the rebellion reaches England, Amherst’s policy is overturned, and the Proclamation of 1763 is issued forbidding white settlement beyond the Appalachians as a temporary measure to allow the Indians to cool off. The British initiate a policy of negotiating treaties with tribes to define white settlement—the beginning of the treaty policy which would endure in America until the 1870s. Sir William Johnson of New York, married to an Indian woman, is sent to negotiate with the members of Pontiac’s Rebellion, and brings peace in 1766. He also begins to negotiate for opening of portions of the Trans-Appalachian area to white settlement. Most wealthy people supported this method of opening up new lands, but the poor continued to squat on Indian lands illegally, provoking Indian counter-attacks. Pacifying the Indians with trade goods cost England money—money that George felt the colonists should pay. Pontiac’s Rebellion further encouraged George’s efforts to force the colonists to pay their share.

1764: The Sugar Act replaces the Molasses Act of 1733, which forbade imports of molasses from the French or Dutch West Indies. The Sugar Act allows the purchase of foreign molasses, but taxes these purchases. The Sugar Act also requires that cases in which the act was violated were to be tried in Vice-Admiralty courts, which did not use juries. Thus the Sugar Act embodied threats to two cherished rights guaranteed in the Magna Carta. In response, a Boston town meeting proposes in May that the colonies unite behind a Non-Importation Agreement, or boycott, of several British goods. Several colonies join this boycott.

1765: The Stamp Act is passed to help pay for British soldiers stationed in the colonies. Once again, colonists feel they are taxed without representation, and Vice-Admiralty courts are to judge violations, jeopardizing the right to trial by jury.

Samuel Adams organizes the Sons of Liberty in response. Originally called the Loyal Nine, their organization spreads from Boston to other cities. Their mission was to intimidate all Stamp agents to resign, making it impossible to collect the tax. All the agents they contact do resign. Tar and feathers awaits those who do not cooperate. Patrick Henry of Virginia passes seven resolutions called the Virginia Resolves, one of which proclaims that only the Virginia legislature has the right to tax Virginians. Henry says of his resolutions, “If this be treason, make the most of it.”

Parliament also passes the Mutiny Act, which has a provision allowing for the lodging of troops in private homes. When the colonists try to evade the act by pointing out it did not specifically apply to the colonies, Parliament passes the Quartering Act, which backs down on the provision placing troops in private residences but instead requires colonial authorities to furnish housing and supplies to British troops. Several colonial legislatures refuse to appropriate funds for this Act. In response to these challenges, James Otis calls for the convention of the Stamp Act Congress, which passes a Declaration of Rights and Grievances. These resolutions attack to concept of taxation without representation and denial of the right to trial by jury. When the resolutions arrive in Parliament, William Pitt and others are sympathetic, and move to repeal the Stamp Act before it takes effect. It didn’t hurt that the Non-Importation Agreement had slashed trade from the colonies by 25%. Prime Minister George Grenville responded to this talk by suggesting that British troops enforce the Stamp Act, prompting Benjamin Franklin (who was in London as an agent representing Pennsylvania’s business interests) to step in and argue the colonies’ case to Parliament. In March, 1766, the Stamp Act is repealed, but Parliament passes the Declaratory Act to save face and retain Parliament’s right to make any laws it wishes in regard to the colonies. Although the Sons of Liberty officially disbands after the repeal, their network remains active, sharing information and remaining politically active throughout the revolutionary period.

1766: Charles Townshend becomes the chancellor of the exchequer (like treasury secretary). When Prime Minister William Pitt has a breakdown, Townshend takes charge and forces through the Townshend Acts. These include:

The Townshend Revenue Act, which imposed duties on lead, glass, paint, tea, and paper imported into the colonies, with the money to be used to pay for the salaries of royal officials and for military expenses (making royal officials independent of colonial legislatures for their pay);
•An act creating a new system of customs commissioners, who were notoriously corrupt and received 1/3 of the money collected;
•An act suspending the New York Assembly in punishment for its refusal to allocate money required by the Quartering Act.
The colonists are angered, and respond by reviving the nonimportation agreement. Having been effective once, they work again, and all the Townshend duties except those on tea are repealed in April of 1770. The tea tax is retained because George III believes “there must always be one tax” to establish the precedent for the right of Parliament to tax the colonies.

1768: The Massachusetts General Court issues the Massachusetts Circular Letter to urge other colonies to resist the Townshend Acts. The Circular letter decries the Acts as taxation without representation, insists that colonial governors and judges must not be independent of colonial legislatures, and insists that Americans can never be represented in Parliament. Due to the Letter’s demand for further resistance to British policy, Massachusetts’ royal governor closes down the General Court on grounds of sedition. But New Jersey, New Hampshire, Virginia and Connecticut announce support of the principles in the letter.

Another set of letters which were widely published throughout the colonies and Britain which protested taxation without representation were the Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania to Inhabitants of the British Colonies by John Dickinson.

Violence also was a response to British oppression. On the North Carolina frontier, a loosely organized group called the Regulators arose to protest their lack of representation in the colonial assembly and to protest corruption of royal officials. The Regulators, armed and dangerous, engage in a few skirmishes with colonial officials and British troops, but usually back down in the face of organized resistance, especially since they lack strong leadership. The North Carolina assembly passes the Bloody Act in 1771 in response to the horsewhipping of a man they claimed to be an agent of the eastern Carolina aristocrats. The Bloody Act declares the Regulators to be traitors subject to execution. Finally, Governor William Tryon leads a force of 1000 troops against an encampment of 2000 Regulators, but the Regulators withdraw after an hour’s fighting with thirteen of their leaders captured. One is executed the next day, six more are executed a month later, and the last six are forced to swear loyalty to the royal government, along with 6500 other settlers in the region of the battle. New Yorkers also rioted in 1769 over the dissolution of their assembly. In Boston in May of 1768, the seizure of John Hancock’s ship Liberty provoked a riot which resulted in the beating of the customs official who ordered the seizure, his son, and another customs agent.

1770: The Boston “Massacre” results in five colonists killed. 7 British soldiers were indicted on charges of murder. John Adams and Josiah Quincy defend the soldiers, arguing self-defense. Four were acquitted (by a jury of Bostonians!) and two were convicted of the lesser charge of manslaughter. They both were discharged and branded on the thumb.

1772: The Royal Navy sends a ship named the Gaspee to hunt down smugglers hiding in Narragansett Bay, near Rhode Island. In response, the governor of Rhode Island threatens to arrest the commanding officer of the Gaspee, Lt. William Dudingston. When the Gaspee runs aground on a sandbar, the local sheriff and a posse row out to the ship, order Dudington to surrender, and board the ship when he refuses. When Dudington points his sword at one of the invaders he is shot in the midsection, although not fatally. He and his men are forced from the ship and it is set aflame. Other colonists are excited about this blow to Britain attempt to enforce its taxes. When British officials attempt to arrest the boarding party and send them to London to be tried as pirates, though, Sam Adams revives the Sons of Liberty as a Committee of Correspondence to coordinate action. The Crown backs down, claiming lack of evidence, but the damage is done.

1773: The Tea Act aims to help the British East India Company by lowering the cost of its tea—up until this point, the colonists had avoided paying the taxes on British tea by buying smuggled Dutch tea. The Act forgave part of the taxes the East India Company paid, enabling it to lower costs. It also allowed the Company to sell the tea directly to American businessmen and cut out the British middlemen. The colonists, however, view the act as an attempt to get Americans to accept the tax on tea. Therefore, the Sons of Liberty (aka Committees of Correspondence) launch a program to intimidate the American merchants from buying the tea. East India Company ships are turned back at the harbor entrance, or are prevented from unloading. Three of these ships are the victims of the Boston Tea Party, which destroyed $90,000 of tea.

In response, Parliament passes the Coercive Acts (aka Intolerable Acts or Repressive Acts) which included the closure of the Port of Boston, limitations on Massachusetts’ colonial government, colonial courts, and the right to have town meetings, and an extension of the Quartering Act designed to place troops in Boston permanently.

General Thomas Gage is appointed royal governor of Massachusetts as well as remaining commander in chief of British troops in North America. He immediately implements the Port Act. He also attempts to disperse the General Assembly, which then calls for a Continental Congress to be called. The Port Act results in the unification of the other colonies in sending food to Boston—even Quebec sent grain.

1774: In the midst of this turmoil, the Quebec Act is passed, which restores the old borders of the province into the Ohio valley. It requires that French be the official language, French law be retained, and the Catholic Church be officially recognized.

The First Continental Congress is convened with 56 delegates from all the colonies but Georgia. It denounces the intolerable Acts, declares 13 different acts of Parliament unconstitutional, sends protests to the king and addresses to the people of Great Britain, and forms the Association to organize a new boycott on British goods.

The royal governor of Virginia dissolves the House of Burgesses. The lawmakers meet in a tavern (some say a church) instead. It is there that Henry gives his famous speech on liberty on March 23, 1775.

1775: King George III and Parliament propose the Plan of Reconciliation, which proposed to not tax the colonies in return for the colonial assemblies voluntarily paying for part of colonial defense. They also pass the Fishery Act, banning New England from the waters off Newfoundland. When Massachusetts calls on the Provincial Congress to begin arming the colony, Gage imposes martial law and orders the arrest of Sam Adams and John Hancock. Paul Revere rides to tell them to escape. He also alerts the colonists that the British are moving toward Lexington and Concord to capture the stash of weapons there. The British marched to Concord (“One if by land,…”) and rowed whaleboats to Lexington (“…Two if by sea.”). In Lexington, the British drove the colonists off, but at Concord, the colonists carried the day. The first shots had been fired.

The Virginia Declaration of Rights

Written by George Mason (1725-1792), who Thomas Jefferson regarded as the “the wisest man of his generation,” the Virginia Declaration of Rights was adopted by the Virginia Constitutional Convention on June 12, 1776. Widely copied by the other colonies (by the end of 1776 five colonies had adopted declarations of rights; by 1783 every state had some  form of a bill of rights), it became the basis of the Bill of Rights to the U.S. Constitution after Mason fought against  ratification of the Constitution because it contained no bill of rights. The Declaration of Rights was also used by Thomas Jefferson for the opening paragraphs of the Declaration of Independence. The Marquis de Condorcet called the Virginia Declaration of Rights “the first Bill of Rights to merit the name.”

The Virginia Declaration of Rights
June 12, 1776


A DECLARATION OF RIGHTS made by the representatives of the good people of Virginia, assembled in full and free convention which rights do pertain to them and their posterity, as the basis and foundation of government .

Section 1. That all men are by nature equally free and independent and have certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society, they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest their posterity; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety.

Section 2. That all power is vested in, and consequently derived from, the people; that magistrates are their trustees and servants and at all times amenable to them.

Section 3. That government is, or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security of the people, nation, or community; of all the various modes and forms of government, that is best which is capable of producing the greatest degree of happiness and safety and is most effectually secured against the danger of maladministration. And that, when any government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the community has an indubitable, inalienable, and indefeasible right to reform, alter, or abolish it, in such manner as shall be judged most conducive to the public weal.

Section 4. That no man, or set of men, is entitled to exclusive or separate emoluments or privileges from the community, but in consideration of public services; which, nor being descendible, neither ought the offices of magistrate, legislator, or judge to be hereditary.

Section 5. That the legislative and executive powers of the state should be separate and distinct from the judiciary; and that the members of the two first may be restrained from oppression, by feeling and participating the burdens of the people, they should, at fixed periods, be reduced to a private station, return into that body from which they were originally taken, and the vacancies be supplied by frequent, certain, and regular elections, in which all, or any part, of the former members, to be again eligible, or ineligible, as the laws shall direct.

Section 6. That elections of members to serve as representatives of the people, in assembly ought to be free; and that all men, having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and attachment to, the community, have the right of suffrage and cannot be taxed or deprived of their property for public uses without their own consent or that of their representatives so elected, nor bound by any law to which they have not, in like manner, assembled for the public good.

Section 7. That all power of suspending laws, or the execution of laws, by any authority, without consent of the representatives of the people, is injurious to their rights and ought not to be exercised.

Section 8. That in all capital or criminal prosecutions a man has a right to demand the cause and nature of his accusation, to be confronted with the accusers and witnesses, to call for evidence in his favor, and to a speedy trial by an impartial jury of twelve men of his vicinage, without whose unanimous consent he cannot be found guilty; nor can he be compelled to give evidence against himself; that no man be deprived of his liberty except by the law of the land or the judgment of his peers.

Section 9. That excessive bail ought not to be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

Section 10. That general warrants, whereby an officer or messenger may be commanded to search suspected places without evidence of a fact committed, or to seize any person or persons not named, or whose offense is not particularly described and supported by evidence, are grievous and oppressive and ought not to be granted.

Section 11. That in controversies respecting property, and in suits between man and man, the ancient trial by jury is preferable to any other and ought to be held sacred.

Section 12. That the freedom of the press is one of the great bulwarks of liberty, and can never be restrained but by despotic governments.

Section 13. That a well-regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the proper, natural, and safe defense of a free state; that standing armies, in time of peace, should be avoided as dangerous to liberty; and that in all cases the military should be under strict subordination to, and governed by, the civil power.

Section 14. That the people have a right to uniform government; and, therefore, that no government separate from or independent of the government of Virginia ought to be erected or established within the limits thereof.

Section 15. That no free government, or the blessings of liberty, can be preserved to any people but by a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue and by frequent recurrence to fundamental principles.

Section 16. That religion, or the duty which we owe to our Creator, and the manner of discharging it, can be directed only by reason and conviction, not by force or violence; and therefore all men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; and that it is the mutual duty of all to practise Christian forbearance, love, and charity toward each other.